E-Journal of Cultural Studies

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Nov 2022 Vol. 15, Number 4, Page 42-56

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DECONSTRUCTION OF PATRIARCHIC CULTURAL DISCUSSION IN

TRADITIONAL VILLAGE LEADERSHIP

Ida Bagus Ketut Purbanegara1, I Nyoman Dhana2, AA Gde Bagus Udayana3

1Master Degree Programme of Cultural Studies, Udayana University, 2Cultural Studies Study Program, Faculty of Arts, Udayana University, 3Denpasar

Indonesian Art Institute

Email : 1p[email protected], 2[email protected],

[email protected]

Received Date    :  02-06-2022

Accepted Date    :  24-10-2022

Published Date   :  30-11-2022

ABSTRACT

This research starts from the existence of a gap between reality (dassein) and idealism (dassolen) that so far the position of the traditional village chief has always been occupied by men, not a single woman has held this position, even though ideally women can also become traditional village chiefs because there is no prohibition for women to do so. The theories used in the theoretical basis for this research are deconstruction theory, intersectionality theory, and subaltern theory. The research method used is a qualitative research method, with observation and interview techniques used in data collection. Data analysis was carried out deconstructively. The results of the study indicate that the strong dominance of the masculine in the leadership of the Buduk Traditional Village is based on or motivated by three main things: (1) various political ideologies that support patriarchal culture, (2) the interest to maintain the power of men, (3) the practice of giving meaning to women. Women and men in the context of traditional villages which show various meanings. These various meanings essentially indicate efforts to legitimize men's power and women's subordination, accompanied by co-optation and manipulation efforts to realize the legitimacy of men's power and women's subordination in traditional village life.

Keywords: traditional village, leadership, patriarchal culture, discourse, deconstruction

INTRODUCTION

This research was conducted based on observations which showed that women never had the opportunity to sit in the leadership of a traditional Balinese social institution known as Desa Adat. So far, the men who sit in the leadership of the Traditional Village are men and there are not a single woman in it. This actually happened even though women often played a very important role in various activities of the Indigenous Village community. Therefore, this research is entitled "Deconstruction of Patriarchal Cultural Discourse in Traditional Village Leadership: A Case Study in Buduk Village, Mengwi District, Badung Regency, Bali". The thought behind this title is that the answer to the

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problem formulation studied in this study will be positioned as patriarchal cultural discourse.

Observing the facts as described above, it appears that this research problem is interesting and important to study through in-depth field research. The research problem in question can be described as the gap between ideality (dassolen) and reality (dassein) in reality described above. The gap in this case can be seen by highlighting the facts described above from various perspectives. Seen from the perspective of existing and applicable laws and religions in Indonesia, the position of men and women is equal or the same. This alignment or similarity of their positions should (ideally) be accompanied by their parallels and or similarities in various areas of social life, including the realm of leadership. Of course, such necessity refers to democratic values which are the principle of social life. Based on this, women should also be given the opportunity to become leaders of Traditional Villages, especially women who are willing and able to play an important role in carrying out the main tasks and functions of Traditional Villages. In fact, all this time, the men who sat in the leadership of the Traditional Village were men and there were not a single woman in it.

In addition, what is also important to study in this case are the criteria used in selecting and assigning someone to be the leader or staff of the Traditional Village management. This is important to study considering that there are certain thoughts that underlie or become the background for the determination of men as leaders of the Traditional Village. Such thinking is possible to encourage the emergence of discourses or discourses on certain criteria that are deliberately constructed and raised so that only men have the opportunity to become leaders of Traditional Villages, and women do not have the opportunity to do so. This is important to study because these criteria can be seen as a discourse that does not escape the interests of the parties concerned, in which social, political, economic, and other interests allow it to be known and understood and criticized through deconstructive research. If this is achieved, the results can be expected to be useful for developing Traditional Village management that is more oriented to the interests of the village institution, not oriented to the interests of individuals or certain individuals and groups. One thing that is also important to study in this regard is the things that are actually included or summarized but are less visible or highlighted (implications) in the traditional village organizational system under the leadership of men so far. It is important to study this to gain a deeper understanding of the various sides of the Traditional Village in the context of masculine leadership.

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METHODOLOGY

The case study method was chosen in order to answer the formulation of the research problem because as (Zixia & Yin, 2020) said, that as one of several research methods in the social sciences, the case study is a more suitable strategy if the main question of a research relates to " how” or “why”. In addition, case study research includes three types, namely explanatory, exploratory, and descriptive types. Based on the ideas described above, this research design uses a qualitative research approach with an emphasis on extracting, explaining, and describing knowledge in a holistic and interpretive way on matters relating to the formulation of this research problem. This knowledge, apart from being qualitative in nature, is also quantitative in nature, namely in the form of numbers, but is highlighted from a socio-cultural point of view.

Based on observations in Badung Regency, especially the Buduk Traditional Village located in Mengwi District, Badung Regency with the dynamics and pluralism of the people there, the reason for determining Buduk Village as the research location is because this location is still too strong with a homogeneous thinking base on quality and the ability of women who will be portrayed as leaders in the area. The type of data in this study is qualitative data in the form of words or sentences as information. The qualitative type in research is an effort to capture the quality of the object of study in the form of a narrative as a form of the researcher's interpretation of each existing phenomenon and is related to the main object of research. Sources of data explored in this study include primary data sources and secondary data sources. Primary data sources in the form of data obtained from the first source as a result of interviews and direct observations in the field. In addition, this thesis study is related to (Rahmawati, n.d.) in the Journal of Cultural Studies on "Balinese Women in Gender Struggle (study of culture, tradition and Hinduism)". (Abdullah, n.d.) in his work “Sex, Gender and Power Reproduction”, states that basically women's domestic roles which revolve around the family area have become a prison for women themselves to appear in the public sphere with various roles. (Suryani, n.d.), in her work entitled "Perempuan Bali Kini", mentions several things that cause women to be unable to appear as leaders, although what she mentions revolves around the Manager level, the description she gives at least revolves around the perspective of common to women in terms of inhibiting factors in leadership.

To support this research, the technique used in determining the informants is purposive, namely by determining the subjects or informants based on certain criteria and goals. In accordance with the purposive technique, the researcher chose the subject as the unit of analysis, namely the informant who understood and understood the duties and

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responsibilities as a leader in this case the Bendesa Adat. In the form of traditional leaders, village leaders, service representatives and other supporting elements.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The Political Ideology Behind the Discourse of Masculine Leadership

In this case, the notion of ideology is seen as appropriate for the purposes of this study. In connection with this, (Barker, 2014) states that "At present, the concept of ideology is most suitable to be understood as ideas that bind and become the basis of justification". So ideology in this case is seen as an idea; while the idea according to the (KBBI, 1982) is "a design that is arranged in the mind; idea; ambition". Given that ideology is stored in one's mind or mind, then of course ideology is invisible. Therefore, efforts to find out the ideology behind the leadership discourse of traditional villages, especially the Buduk Traditional Village in this study were carried out by observing information from informants whose information was positioned as discourse.

  • a.    Gender Political Ideology

Gender political ideology in this case is defined as an idea that is constructed (built) by making the gender of the participants of the village board election meeting as the basis for justifying the election of a male figure to become the leader of the traditional village. The political ideology of gender in this sense can be seen from the information presented by Ida Bagus Rai Puja Watra (48 years old) in an interview on May 8, 2020, as follows.

"That is binding and has been mutually agreed upon, therefore the criteria then emerges that it is a man accidentally. At the time of the election, no one suggested. The criteria there are automatic even though they are chosen and without being selected with a different pattern, therefore, I think the results will be the same because I believe that all men are. And there are no women in the election.”

In essence, this information confirms that the election of a male figure as a leader, namely the customary village head in the Buduk Traditional Village, is seen as a logical reality according to the local community. The logic of this is based on the community's agreement, that the election of the traditional village head is carried out through a meeting attended by only men. In that meeting, indeed, no one proposed a female figure as a candidate for the village head. It is said so because in the awig-awig of the Buduk Traditional Village (Buduk, n.d.) it is stated that "Sane kabawos krama of the Buduk Traditional Village inggih punika kulawarga sane magama Hindu....". This means that the so-called members of the Buduk Traditional Village are Hindu families. So in this case it is the family, not the individual male or female individual who is positioned as a member

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unit of the traditional village. As is known, the family usually consists of a man (husband) and a woman (wife).

If the mandate of the customary village awig-awig provisions is implemented consistently, husband and wife should be given the status of being members (krama) of the traditional village. Based on this status, the wife/woman should also be given the right and obligation to participate in carrying out traditional village activities, including the activity of choosing traditional village leaders.

  • b.    The Political Ideology of Imaginary Excellence

The term political ideology of imaginary superiority is used here in order to show the existence of information that confirms that the dominance of masculine leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village is because the local community has its own impression or image. The impression is that men are superior figures compared to women, so that men are more suitable to lead traditional villages. In detail, the information is as follows.

"...there has never been a woman as a village officer for the Buduk traditional village. First, in the election process, the involvement of village manners is that most men are involved in the election process. Second, there is still an impression, especially the manners of the Buduk traditional village, so that the figure that comes out is never a woman but a man, because of that, I think they wouldn’t choose if it’s a women, it's okay...... the image of the manners in the traditional Buduk village is that choosing women is more troublesome, more practical it is men, even though the results are not optimal” (Gde Oka, interview, 7 July 2020).

In essence, this information excerpt confirms that the people of the Buduk Traditional Village chose men as village leaders, apart from the fact that only men chose the leaders, but also because they imagined or had the impression that if women were chosen as leaders, the situation would be negative. will be "messed up". In this context, women do not have social support to become traditional village leaders, because society views women as unsuitable and therefore do not need to be supported to become leaders. Even though it is only an impression that people with abilities are seen as weak, it turns out that this impression is used as the basis for not supporting women to become traditional village leaders. Though an impression is not necessarily true or not necessarily in accordance with reality. Indeed, there has never been any evidence of whether or not there are women who are capable of carrying out their duties as traditional village leaders.

With the accumulation of capital owned by women which is much smaller than the accumulation of capital owned by men, women should not be given the opportunity to become rulers or become leaders of traditional villages. Theoretically, this is in accordance with what was written by (Fauzi Fashri, 2014), as follows.

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“Of all the existing forms of capital, economic capital and cultural capital have great power to determine the hierarchical level in society. The principle of hierarchy and differentiation of society depends on the amount of capital accumulated and the structure of the capital itself. Those who control the four capitals in large numbers will gain great power and occupy the highest hierarchical position (dominant class)".

If this theoretical view is referred to in looking at the position of women, it appears that women's capital ownership is generally smaller than that of men's accumulated capital.

  • c.    Usual Political Ideology

The meaning of the term customary political ideology in this case is a belief that something that is commonly applied among the community is reasonable to be applied continuously. In the context of leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village, this ideology applies that men are the leaders of the traditional village which has been a custom since time immemorial. This can be seen by looking at the excerpts of information which in this study are positioned as discourse, namely as follows.

"... no woman dares to be a pengayah... I was born in Buduk. I have never seen or heard of any suggestion from Parisada that women may become customary village chiefs or kelian adat,... If it is customary, it may be their right. a woman can become a candidate for the village head, it can be an adat kelian.... the work is equal to that of a male in terms of village work, the female is more dominant.... if it is a woman who takes the job as a bendesa or kelihan, who takes on the housework?

This information excerpt contains various statements which in essence emphasize that it is customary for men to be leaders of traditional villages, while women are not usually the leaders of traditional villages. This can be seen from the statement in the information excerpt above, that "the women didn’t have the confidence to be a leader". Actually, the term Pengayah in the (Kamus Bahasa Bali, 2009) is called pangayah which means people who work (without wages). So the statement in Balinese means that there are no women who work as officers (without wages) or become administrators in traditional villages

The Bali Provincial Regulations regarding Pakraman Villages/Traditional Villages, both passed in 2001 and 2019, do not contain a prohibition on women becoming traditional village leaders. Article 7 paragraph 2 of the (Regional Regulation of the Province of Bali, n.d.) Number 3 of 2001 concerning Pakraman Village regulates the Prajuru of Pakraman Village. This article states the following.

"Prajuru of the Pakraman village are selected and/or determined by the krama of the Pakraman village according to the rules set out in the awig-awig of each Pakraman village".

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Meanwhile, there is now a (Bali Provincial Regulation Number 4, n.d.) concerning Traditional Villages in Bali, but the election of the latest traditional village leader in Buduk Village has taken place before this regional regulation is issued. So, it seems that the contents of the regulation number 3/2001 are more relevant to be referred to in this research. In this regard, as previously stated, the awig-awig of the Buduk Traditional Village emphasized that in principle those who chose the traditional village officers were the residents of the Traditional Village (Krama Desa Adat Buduk). In the law of the Buduk Traditional Village, there is also no prohibition for women to become traditional leaders or village leaders.

  • d.    The Political Ideology of Division of Tasks

One version of the information obtained in this study is information which, when reflected, shows the existence of an ideology that also underlies the strong dominance of the masculine in leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village, namely the "ideology of division of tasks". This division of labor ideology emphasizes the importance of maintaining the existing division of labor in society. In this case, it is not women but men who are seen as the duty holders to become traditional village leaders. In other words, that there is a division of labor between men and women that has been determined and deemed appropriate by the community so that it needs to be maintained or maintained. If the division of tasks is changed by placing women as traditional village heads, it is believed that it will bring negative consequences for women. Excerpts of information reflecting this are as follows.

"Paid Bangkung now it actually destroys the image of the woman herself. Because if she is considered a woman who is annoying, for example, she herself is a slander. It will automatically lower the status of the woman when she exceeds the function or structure compared to men. But when he can function as a substitute for the boy, well that will show his ability to guess that pole first. The second, maybe because it is associated with traditional villages because a lot of the work is related to men, especially if for the custom, for example, there will be a connection with all kinds of which cannot be handled by women. Even though the role of the woman herself is not inferior, it can actually be said to be balanced, but the role of men seems to be irreplaceable. There are certain things that cannot be replaced, but the most principled thing is what I think the woman herself really doesn't want to do. Appear in front in this case because it will lower the status and degree. That is if it is considered to overstep the men. The pole thought that it could be reconnected later” (Kt Puji, interview on 7 July 2020).

This information excerpt shows that the informant refers to the term in Balinese, namely the term "Paid Bangkung". This term, in the Balinese-Indonesian Dictionary compiled (Anom, 2009), is positioned as a term that has a figurative meaning, namely "a

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man who also lives in his wife's house, for some reason. So it can be said that in a figurative sense the term places men in a subordinate position under the position of women. In such a situation, according to the excerpt of the information above, the connotation of women actually deteriorates, because in such a situation the image of women is damaged.

The Interests Behind the Discourse of Traditional Village Leadership

  • a.    Maintaining Profit Behind the Patrilineal Kinship System

The term profit here is used in the sense of social advantage, namely the benefits obtained based on the social status of men in the patrilineal kinship system, a kinship system that places men as "insiders" of the patrilineal kin group. In such a position, men traditionally have greater rights than women. The traditional rights of men then face challenges in the development of social stratification in the modern era which is no longer based on the principle of heredity in the context of the kinship system as stated above, but based on achievement. Therefore, men should defend their right to remain in power, both in the family and in society.

  • "... That is binding and has been mutually agreed upon, therefore the criteria then emerges that it is a man accidentally. At the time of the election, no one suggested a women. The criteria there are automatic even though they are chosen and without being selected with a different pattern, I think the results will be the same because I believe that all men are. And there are no women in the election” (Interview with Ida Bagus Rai Pujawatra, 7 July 2020).

The point of this discourse is that the participants of the meeting in the election of the traditional village chief in Buduk are all men. Therefore, men are also chosen as traditional village leaders. Therefore, no one has suggested that a woman should be chosen as the leader of the traditional village.

  • b.    Keeping Power

The interest in maintaining profits through efforts to develop discourse as described above is basically driven by the desire to perpetuate the power of men. The power of men in the family and in society is strived to remain lasting, so the men who have been in power have never fought for women to be equally in power. used to dominate women. This is done by echoing the discourse that men are suitable to be leaders as stated by Gde Oka in an interview on July 7, 2020, as follows.

  • “I emphasize here that the first female leader will not come out if she is in the direct election process by the people, she is involved in the election of a male. The two images of the manners in the Buduk traditional village are that if choosing a woman is more difficult, it is more practical that it is a man, even though the results are not

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optimal. That is the impression of society that we are still changing to change their mindset, their mindset towards the realization that men and women are the same.”

  • c.    Maintaining Position

In order for men's power to last forever, of course, the social position that gives men the right to power must be maintained. For this reason, a discourse emerged as stated by a customary leader in Buduk Village as follows.

"Well, if the government is certain the rights and obligations of women are the same. But in the there are no customary rules, women's rights can be candidates for village councillors, and they can be kelian adat. " (Sengguan custom).

It seems that the interest of men to remain in power over women has received legitimacy from the community members, not only male citizens but also female citizens. This can be seen from the information from female informants who seem to support the interests of men to remain in power in traditional village life. The information is as follows.

"The opinion of the pole that previously women became traditional village chiefs is like what was said earlier, meaning that it was very complicated sometimes at home that morning in terms of cooking, the time was running out, the time was a bit complicated for that especially where were you going to Denpasar in the morning. That shows the complexity of women, especially when they go out because of work. For example, the absence pole at 7 o'clock is already so bad. Until you leave the kitchen to take time off” (Interview with Mrs. Yoga, 7 July 2020).

It is true that this statement or information excerpt does not mention that men's power must be maintained, but it is clearly stated that women's work at home alone has been overwhelmed, let alone coupled with other tasks, including duties as traditional village leaders. Thus, women are considered less suitable to be used as traditional village leaders, and only men are suitable, as has been so far. The information excerpts below also seem to support such interests, namely as follows.

"...the reason is that there is no will from women. Even though they can afford it, they don't want to, ... in Buduk so far there has been no character that we have seen more than the character of a man, both in the house and outside” (interview with IB Rai Pujawatra, 7 July 2020).

Considering that a discourse does not describe reality as it really is (Takwin, 2003), based on this it can be assumed that the discourse contained in this information passage is not entirely true, especially the statement that "... in Buduk so far there have not been any figures that we have seen. more than the character of a man both in the guerrilla and out there ". It means that the male figures in Buduk Village cannot be matched by the female figures.

The Practice of Meaning Behind the Discourse of Traditional Village Leadership

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The practice of meaning in this case is intended as an activity to give meaning based on an understanding of an object. The practice of interpreting an object, of course, results in the meaning of the object being interpreted. An object will be meaningful if it is interpreted, otherwise it will be meaningless if it is not interpreted. An object is always open to be interpreted by everyone in their own way. As said earlier, a meaning exists in various ways, including in the reasons for an action. In this regard, the developing discourse related to male/masculine leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village is positioned as a practice of meaning to certain objects, including the meaning of women and men.

  • a.    Men as Figures Who Have the Right to Be Traditional Village Heads

In connection with this, an informant, I Gede Oka in an interview on July 7, 2020, emphasized that “... Man figure is still outstanding in Ida Bagus until now. It means that Ida Bagus' criteria has stuck to the community better than others". Because it is interpreted as a figure who is better than other people, men from the Brahmin clan are also interpreted as figures who have the right to become traditional village leaders.

Such meaning seems to be contested with other meanings, as follows.

"Well, if the government is certain the rights and obligations of women are the same. But in the there are no customary rules, women's rights can be candidates for village councillors, and they can be kelian adat. " (Sengguan custom).

This excerpt of information in the form of text or discourse clearly emphasizes that women are interpreted as figures who do not have the right to become traditional village leaders. Of course, this means that it is men who have the right to become customary village chiefs, so that women are not elected to be customary village chiefs. Women are interpreted as not having the right to become customary village chiefs because the ability of women is interpreted as insufficient ability to handle the duties of customary village chiefs.

  • b.    Legitimacy of Women as Unsuitable Figures to Become Traditional Village Heads:

A Legitimacy

Because women are interpreted as figures who are not suitable to be traditional village heads, the members of the community concerned do not agree to elect or make women as traditional village heads. If in such a situation women are forced to become traditional village heads, there is a high chance that the community members who do not agree will protest, so that the situation will become chaotic. Excerpts of information showing the practice of such use are as follows.

"Well, if the government is certain the rights and obligations of women are the

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same. But in the there are no customary rules, women's rights can be candidates for village councillors, and they can be kelian adat. " (Sengguan custom).

Information that confirms that women can experience menstruation and thus be in a polluted condition (leteh) can also be seen as a meaning practice that results in the meaning of women as potentially polluted figures.

  • c.    Women as Duties in Domestic: A Co-optation

Women are interpreted as figures who work in the domestic space, while men work in the public sphere. Whereas in reality, there are not a few women who work in public spaces and/or in domestic spaces but also in public spaces. On the other hand, there are men who work in domestic spaces as well as in public spaces. This means that thinking that separates the tasks of women and men based on binary oppositional thinking generates an impulse (cooptation) to interpret women and men in binary opposition so as to produce the meaning of women as mentioned above which looks ambiguous and does not match the meaning of women and men. reality. One of the excerpts of information that shows the practice of ambiguous meaning and does not match the reality is as follows.

"... of course a woman may become a traditional village chief, but here it's the same as taking care of household work itself, it's still complicated, let alone doing activities outside the home". The point is domestic” (Diah's interview on 7 July 2020).

This excerpt of information shows that it is as if women have been imprinted with their duties in the domestic space or in their household, and if given a task in the public sphere, it will make women have dual tasks, namely in the domestic space and in the public space so that it can become complicated due to work overload. In terms of reasoning, this discourse seems to reflect illogical thinking. It is said that because adas is very much a woman who works in the public sphere but do not leave their duties in the domestic sphere.

  • d.    Subordination as the Ethics of Women: An Act of Manipulation

The term subordination here is defined as a "subordinate position", thus becoming a lower position compared to other positions. Based on this understanding, the title of this subsection is intended to state that women will be ethical if they occupy a lower position than the position occupied by men. On the other hand, it would be unethical if women subordinate men. It seems that this also happened among the Buduk Village community in the context of discussions about masculine leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village. This can be seen from the excerpts of information provided by the informants which appear to be manipulative in nature regarding the reasons for the absence of women as

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traditional village heads, which are as follows.

“…..Saying that the cause was indeed the non-existent will of the women. Even though they can afford it, they don't want to..." (interview with Ida Bagus Rai Pujawatra on July 7, 2020).

The meaning of this text is that women do not have the will or desire to become traditional village leaders. It was further emphasized that, although women have the ability to become traditional village leaders, they do not want to.

Criteria for Law Version of Buduk Traditional Village

  • 1.    The Buduk Traditional Village is led by Kelihan Traditional Village. It is this customary view which is usually also called the Bendesa Adat.

  • 2.    Banjar adat is led by Kelihan Adat. Klihan Adat is usually also called klihan banjar.

  • 3.    The claims of Traditional Villages come from indigenous villagers, at least know the ins and outs of customary/religious procedures, and know common sense (panglokika), and are determined based on elections by villagers, every 5 years, the day after Nyepi Day (Geni shooting).

This provision seems to use several things as criteria in the selection of traditional village heads. First, status as a resident (krama) of a traditional village. Second, the knowledge that a person has about customs and religion. Third, have common sense. Fourth, elected by indigenous villagers.

  • a. Criteria Version of the Committee for Selecting Bendesa Adat

With regard to the criteria for the selection committee version of the traditional village village chief, there are three kinds of data sources in the form of documents, namely:

  • 1)    A statement of willingness to become a candidate for the Buduk Indigenous Bendesa;

  • 2)    Minutes of the proposed candidate for the Buduk Indigenous Bendesa;

  • 3)    A statement of loyalty and respect for the awig-awig of the Buduk Traditional Village. In full, the contents of the statement of willingness to become a candidate for the Buduk Indigenous Bendesa are as follows.

Implications Of Masculine Leadership In Buduk Traditional Village

Statements regarding various things put forward by each informant in this case are positioned as facts as well as discourse or text or discourse. Considering what was stated by Takwin (2003: 128), that discourse or discourse does not describe reality or reality as

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it is, then the facts studied in this study are not the same as the understanding of the facts contained in the KBBI as stated above, namely reality or reality. . In connection with the understanding of the term fact, (Lubis, n.d.), asserts as follows.

Radical hermeneutics (deconstruction) does not aim to find the objective meaning or the meaning intended by the author, but instead uncovers and uncovers various assumptions hidden in the text or discourse. The goal is to reveal the untruth of facts, weaknesses of logic, inconsistencies in the arguments that are compiled, and show the subjectivity, interests, and ideologies contained in the arguments. Underlining the phrase 'discovering untruth facts' in the quote above, it can be said that a fact does not mean the truth.

The Preservation of Various Ideologies Supporting Patriarchal Ideology

In terms of the ideology behind the dominance of masculine leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village, it appears that these various ideologies are supporters of the patriarchal ideology. The political ideology of gender, the ideology of imaginary superiority and others as described above is based on the idea that men are indeed more suited to be traditional village leaders than women. This means that the patriarchal ideology is very strong in the minds of the people of the Buduk Traditional Village. The strength of the patriarchal ideology is because the community members have ideological thoughts that are truly patriarchal, so that men are always considered to be superior in many ways compared to women.

  • a.    The Legitimacy of Women's Subordination

Given the strong dominance of masculine leadership in traditional villages, it can be understood that the subordination of women is absolute. From time immemorial until now women have always occupied a lower position under the position of men, even though many parties have the recognition that the role of women is very large and important in completing tasks related to traditional villages. Not only men, but women also have the idea that women have no rights, and thus are not fit to be traditional village leaders. Even when woman is forced to become traditional village chiefs, it is feared that it could lead to a chaotic situation. In such circumstances, it is feared that women will experience a decline in status in community life.

  • b.    The Occurrence of Illogical Logic Justification

Judging from the criteria used in the selection of the traditional village leader in the Buduk Traditional Village, it appears that all the ideological reasons that favor men in the context of traditional village leadership contain an effort to justify this privilege. The effort to justify it seems to reflect the logic as if it is true that only men have the right and are

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suitable to be traditional village leaders.

If the various reasons behind his justification are examined more closely, it will be seen that the logic reflected in the discourse of his justification is an illogical logic, because it cannot be accepted by common sense. For example, there are statements that women have no right and are not suitable to be traditional village chiefs, besides that there are statements that men are more practical if they are made customary village chiefs, while if women are elected as customary village heads, it will be a hassle.

  • c.    Difficulties in Realizing Gender Equality and Justice

With the various ideologies that strongly support the patriarchal ideology in the leadership of the Buduk Traditional Village, it is difficult to imagine being able to realize gender equality and justice in the Buduk Traditional Village. This is due to the existence of thinking centered on men, everything is oriented to men. Meanwhile, women are always positioned as subordinated as described above.

There are facts that seem strange in the context of leadership in the Buduk Traditional Village. The fact that is meant in this case is that even if there are women who have sufficient ability to become traditional village heads, in fact no one supports them to become customary village chiefs. Even if there are women who are considered capable of becoming traditional village chiefs, these women do not want to nominate themselves as candidates for customary village chiefs. This seems strange because many people are competing for position, in fact here they don't even want to compete, and women are more willing to remain subordinated to men. This actually happened even though there was no prohibition for women to become traditional village chiefs.

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Buduk, A.-A. D. A. (n.d.). Awig-Awig Desa Adat Buduk. 2019.

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Zixia, L., & Yin, R. (2020). 李自夏 1 ，冉印 2* (1. D, 2019–2020.

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